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Texto de referencia:

National Association of Manufacturers

Noam Chomsky – Vital Speeches of the Day: A Message From Noam Chomsky – AngelFire – 17/03/1991 – http://www.angelfire.com/psy/intheheart/Chom1.html
“Public relations is a huge industry. They’re spending by now something on the order of a billion dollars a year. All along its commitment was to controlling the public mind. In the 1930’s, the big problems arose again, as they had during the First World War. We’re now talking about the business community, which spends lots and lots of money, attention, and thought into how to deal with these problems through the public relations industry and other organizations, like the National Association of Manufacturers and the Business Roundtable, and so on. They immediately set to work to try to find a way to counter these democratic deviations.”

Elizabeth Fones-Wolf (1994) – Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945-60 – University of Illinois Press – West Virginia University – ISBN-13: 978-0252064395 – 344 Págs.
“Reseña del editor: The post-World War II years in the United States were marked by the business community’s efforts to discredit New Deal liberalism and undermine the power and legitimacy of organized labor. In Selling Free Enterprise, Elizabeth Fones-Wolf describes how conservative business leaders strove to reorient workers away from their loyalties to organized labor and government, teaching that prosperity could be achieved through reliance on individual initiative, increased productivity, and the protection of personal liberty. Based on research in a wide variety of business and labor sources, this detailed account shows how business permeated every aspect of American life, including factories, schools, churches, and community institutions. ”

Sara Diamond (1995) – Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States – Guilford Press, New York – ISBN-13: 978-0898628647 – 445 Págs.
“John Birch was a Baptist missionary and an air combat intelligence operative during World War II. Ten days after the war ended, Birch was killed by Chinese Communists, and thus earned folk hero status as the first casualty of ‘World War III’. Among John Birch admirers was Robert Welch, a retired candy manufacturer and former director of the National Association of Manufacturers [ref]. … Welch called President Eisenhower a conscious agent of the ‘communist conspiracy’ … The essence of Welch’s doctrine was that Western societies faced an unprecedented, multi-faceted, and coordinated assault by secret conspirators.” (p. 53)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“As millions suffered, many corporate masters continued to bring home exorbitant salaries and bonuses, at the same time contributing little in the way of taxes. Meanwhile, in public pronouncements they scolded the government for spending too much money on relief and called for cuts in already glaringly insufficient social spending … Later that year, Edgerton confided to NAM members that homeless and jobless Americans had only themselves to blame for their predicament.” (p. 234)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“This was standard fare from American business. As the Committee on Labor of the House of Representatives debated the possibility of establishing a national old-age pension system – to provide pressing relief for elderly Americans – John Edgerton, president of the powerful National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), huffed that his organization refused to bow to «social and political pressures.» ” (p. 234-235)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Later that year, Edgerton confided to NAM members that homeless and jobless Americans had only themselves to blame for their predicament. Their cruel conditions, he instructed, were simply the result of their not having dutifully practiced «habits of thrift and conservation.» [I]f they gamble away their savings in the stock market or elsewhere he added disdainfully, «is our economic system, or government, or industry to blame?»6 Amid widespread economic distress, pronouncements such as this only quickened the spread of anti-business feeling.” (p. 235)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Responding to rife feelings of social anxiety, the New Deal also sought to institutionalize social welfare assurance, to provide a reliable system of security for people in need. Unemployment insurance was established to provide subsistence and relief to those who were temporarily out of work. Against protests from the NAM and other stubborn business interests, the Social Security Act established the principle of universal old-age insurance. The promise of guaranteed universal health care was also placed on the agenda, though this aspect of social insurance has never been fulfilled.” (p. 246)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“’The guiding force behind this collaboration was the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), an industrial trade organization that figured heavily in Walker and Sklar’s story. NAM was not a new organization. Founded in January 1895, the group had been the conservative voice of business for decades. During that time NAM had done little to smooth relations between big business and ‘the public. If anything, it was contemptuous of the public, reliably opposed to unions, old-age pensions, health care programs, and governmental relief programs of any kind. Even as the Great Depression drove millions into destitution, NAM president John Edgerton continued to issue public statements that typified the image of the insensitive businessman. When municipal governments considered establishing relief programs following the crash, all that NAM worried about was the extent to which these efforts might expand the powers of government and, hence, encroach on the privileges of private wealth.” (p. 299-300)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Speaking to the Congress of American Industry in 1935, NAM’s general counsel, James A. Emery, echoed this imperative and called upon his legions. This representative gathering is a call to arms. Not to resist physical assault but the march of ideas and theories that steal into the minds of men like a thief in the night …. Never before has every form of business been so continuously threatened with the shackles of irrational regulation or backbreaking burdens of taxation. Do we believe in and intend to retain a system of private enterprise as the best means of social progress? … … We live under a government of opinion. Let us enter the lists …. Then let us appeal with confidence to every stockholder, every employee, every man and woman who carries the burdens of this hour and lives in the shadow of its great uncertainties, to join in the general assault upon these alien invaders of our national thought that menace the security of our common future [ref].” (p. 302-303)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Under the leadership of NAM, the management of American businesses-GM, Chrysler, Big Steel, General Electric, Sylvama, E. I. DuPont, Curtis Publishing, General Foods, and so forth-were consolidating into a functional apparatus.” (p. 303)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Democracy-which for New Dealers was founded on the precept that government of the people must balance economic life to protect the interests of the common good-was being presented in terms that championed the prerogatives of individual entrepreneurs while providing lip service to the interests of society as a whole. To mount an army to withstand this «collectivistic» current, maintained George Sokolsky, a prominent association spokesman, NAM must reach out and awaken the passions of the middle class.” (p. 305)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“To cure the middle class of its growing antagonism toward business, NAM’s first general objective was to publicize the idea that there is a harmony of interests linking corporate America with the majority of ordinary Americans. An essential element here would be an attempt to use public relations techniques to provoke involuntary mental associations regarding the ‘inter-relation and inseparability’ of the economic principle of «free enterprise» and the political principle of democracy. As recounted at a NAM Public Relations conference in 1939, the task was to «link free enterprise in the public consciousness with free speech, free press and free religion as integral parts of democracy.» [ref] A second objective was to redirect current public thinking about taxes. … A third objective of the campaign was to deal with the troublesome problem of organized labor … The fourth broad objective-perhaps the most important of all – was to do battle over the idea of the future. By 1936, there was a growing urgency surrounding this issue. Many Americans believed that a process of «socialization» was inevitably under way-that America’s future, the future of democracy, and the dream of universal equality all depended on government-assisted social and economic planning.” (p. 306-307)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“First, NAM would have to project images of the future in which capitalist industry, not government, was positioned as the motor force of change. This task needed to be performed with an eloquence capable of competing with the New Deal vision of the future. Second, with so many young Americans leaning toward the left, it was important to make special efforts to reach out to ‘the oncoming generation,’ to convince them ‘that people who preach that opportunity [through private enterprise] is gone are wrong.’ [ref] The high school and college graduates of today will shape the future economic and social structure of our country – will decide ‘Which Way America?’ explained a 1936 pamphlet from NAM’s Detroit Regional Office.’ [ref] With so much at stake, another NAM publication spelled out, school programs, which were designed to impress youthful minds in the formative stage, would be indispensable.5 To promote these objectives, it was necessary to build an organization that would operate simultaneously on two important fronts … Strategies on both fronts were instructed by experiences gained during the First World War.” (p. 308)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Local educational institutions were also a domain of the special CPIs [Special Committee on Public Information]. The CPIs should see to it «that school libraries have material available for reading, the material presenting industry’s viewpoint.» The same held for «public libraries.» In both settings, NAM materials geared toward young people should be distributed and displayed. Beyond schools and libraries, a number of other local arenas for communicating the American Way were suggested. Following patterns established by the Four-Minute Men during the war, «Civic Clubs», «Women’s Groups,» «Negro Groups, “Foreing Language Groups,» and «Motion Picture Theatres» were cited as appropriate venues for speakers to carry on the crusade.”(p. 309)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“These pro-business articles, already laid out for insertion in company publications, were distributed to employers around the nation by the National Association of Manufacturers during the late 1930s. Written to convince workers that unregulated capitalist enterprise was in their best interest, the articles responded to prevalent Depression-era issues, including the uneven distribution of wealth, antagonisms between the interests of the working class and those of the owning class, and so forth.” (p. 312)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Two examples of The Pocketbook of Knowledge, syndicated as part of the National Association of Manufacturer’s public relations efforts during the late 1930s. Amid a familiar «Ripley’s Believe It or Not» kind of feature, amazing facts were presented about private enterprise and the American Way of Life.” (p. 313)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“A team of six professedly independent scholars took turns writing a daily syndicated column on economics for 265 newspapers around the country. In the column, «You and Your Nation’s Affairs,» the six (who included faculty members from Princeton, Vanderbilt, NYU, Stanford, and the University of Southern California, as well as Ernest Minor Patterson, president of the American Academy of Political and Social Science) routinely blamed America’s economic woes on misguided New Deal policies, arguing that unregulated business was the surest passageway to recovery. Paying heed to rules governing third-party PR strategies, NAM’s hand in each of these features was not overtly acknowledged.6″ Newspaper publishers, many of whom were antagonistic to the New Deal, kept the secret and happily accepted these features for publication. NAM also published a You and Industry series of booklets for distribution in schools, colleges, and public libraries. Guided by the” dictum to «speak plainly, in the people’s language,» these booklets were , as NAM described them, attractively designed and «easy to understand.» Aimed at the younger generation, the You and Industry series, as Weisenburger explained, exemplified «the heart and soul of the whole campaign»; they were meant to link the sentiments of «the individual with the industrial system.»66 This was also the intent of a «newsweekly for boys and girls» that began publication in 1937. Disseminated with the cooperation of schools, Young America was a dramatic attempt to battle for the hearts and minds of America’s young people. Articles, such as «Your Neighborhood Bank,» «Building Better Americans,» and «The Business of America’s People Is Selling,» offered children a weekly user-friendly portrayal of capitalism, a system that was portrayed to look after them, their families, their communities, and their interestS.67 With tens of thousands of individual subscribers and copies distributed in 70,000 schools, Young America was seen as a vehicle for carrying the story of American industry into those places where the story is most needed – the school and the home.’.» (p. 314)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“NAM’s dramatic publicity proceeded from the opposite direction. It tended to reduce all questions to family and interpersonal situations. In its approach to telling business’s story, it made the individual and the personal more prominent and diminished broader social ways of looking at the world. Even the division between wage labor and capital was likely to be presented as an easily resolved disagreement between a patient and understanding father and a well-meaning, but misguided son. This penchant for burying social and economic issues under layers of highly personalized drama was palpable in The American Family Robinson, a fifteen-minute weekly radio program produced by NAM, beginning in 1935, and distributed, free of charge, to radio networks and local stations throughout the country.” (p. 317)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“To some extent, the dramatic content of The American Family Robinson radio soap opera and the film, Your Town, were a repackaging of Victorian morality for modern times. «The family» was reborn as a sentimental archetype, a safe haven from the slings and arrows of a dangerous world. But here, instead of sheltering the s1msibilities of an anxious middle class-as had been the case in the late nineteenth century-the family came to the rescue of corporate America, which itself is portrayed as paternally benevolent. NAM’s dramatic personalization of political-economic issues went beyond its restaging of Victorian morality plays on radio and in film. Flood Tide, a filmstrip slide show with a synchronized recorded sound track, employed a day-in-the-life motif to instruct audiences about the evils of «hidden» taxation.” (p. 319)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“The American Way campaign is suggestive on two counts. First, NAM’s public relations campaign was not just about NAM. Among NAM’s leadership, on its Public Relations Advisory Board, and in the alphabet soup of trade groups that fronted for NAM (the NIC, or National Industrial Council; the NIIC, or National Industrial Information Committee; and so forth) were the leaders of America’s largest corporations. Chambers of commerce throughout the country, local appliance and automotive dealerships, and fraternal organizations- the Rotary, for example-also participated in NAM’s public relations endeavors. NAM’s PR activities, then, provide one with a powerful keyhole through which one can witness the strate6ric thinking of corporate America, in coalition with a number of other conservative interests, at a moment of extreme crisis. Second, though the American Way campaign’s success in reforming the public mind-at least during the late thirties-is arguable, the business-oriented worldview amplified by the campaign would become more and more prevalent in the United States in the period following the Second World War.” (p. 321)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“This principle permeated the World’s Fair. The fair’s entire physical ambience communicated a theatrical rendition of a corporately animated tomorrow in which hardship had disappeared. This vision was cosmetically engineered by established industrial designers, men like Norman Bel Geddes, Walter Dorwin Teague, and others, specialists in the design of products and packaging, who were commissioned to assemble psychologically mesmerizing environments. The fair allowed them to work their magic on a vision of the future itself, to create a corporate theme park where private enterprise and popular notions of social progress would be aesthetically fused. Their objective, in short, was to turn power into beauty. Teague, who drafted plans for a NAM pavilion in the fair’s second year, explained: … ” (p. 328)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“Believing that «[i]ndependent business will live or die in the post war world,» NAM leaders formed the Committee for Economic Development (CED) in October 1943 that convened under a «cloak of secrecy» and began to delineate «a post-war chart for American industry.»9 High on the CED’s agenda lay the issue of «jobs for soldiers and war-workers» and the ability of manufacturers to sustain as high a level of employment and production as possible to ensure the conditions of social stability they so acutely desired. 10 ” (p. 342)

Stuart Ewen (1998) – PR! A Social History of Spin – Basic Books – Chair of the Department of Film and Media Studies, Hunter College – ISBN-13: 978-0465061792 – 480 Págs.
“As Kelleher theorized, at least one man-escorted by a team of experienced handlers-was putting such ideas into practice, apprenticing in a corporate public relations environment that would soon be transposed to the American political stage. His name was Ronald Reagan, and from the beginning, his peculiar metamorphosis from Hollywood actor to president was guided by corporate public relations specialists. Reagan’s political biography embodied the evolution of corporate public relations thinking as it had evolved since the 1920s: its gospel of free enterprise aimed at corralling the affections of primarily white, middle-class Americans; its cynical emulation of New Deal politics; its steadfast gravitation toward a rhetoric of Images … Reagan’s first opportunity to mimic this ideal came in 1954. Paid what was an enormous salary at the time, he left a film career to begin an eight-year stint as an official public spokesman for the General Electric Corporation (GE); his job was to humanize the industrial giant … Expanding his already considerable exposure as a corporate pitchman, Reagan also became a regular speaker for the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) during these years.4” (p. 394)

Paul N. Edwards and Stephen H. Schneider (2001) – Self-Governance and Peer Review in Science-for-Policy: The Case of the IPCC Second Assessment Report – Changing the Atmosphere: Expert Knowledge and Environmental Governance – School of Information, University of Michigan; Dept. of Biological Sciences, Stanford University
“The Global Climate Coalition (GCC) was formed in 1989 under the auspices of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), though it was reorganized as an independent entity in 1992. The GCC represents about 40 companies and industry associations, primarily major users of fossil fuels such as the oil, automobile, and electric utility sectors, but also including other energy intense sectors such as cement, aluminum, iron and steel, chemicals, and paper.”

Lewis H. Lapham (2004) – Tentacles of Rage: The Republican propaganda mill, a brief history – Harper’s Magazine – http://www.mindfully.org/Reform/2004/Republican-Propaganda1sep04.htm
“Even the National Association of Manufacturers was still aligned with the generous impulse of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, accepting of the proposition, as were the churches and the universities, that government must do for people what people cannot do for themselves.”

Ross Gelbspan (2005) – Boiling Point: How Politicians, Big Oil and Coal, Journalists and Activists Are Fueling the Climate Crisis And What We Can Do to Avert Disaster – Basic Books – ISBN-13: 978-0465027620 – 288 Págs.
“The Global Climate Coalition had represented more than 6 million businesses – including, among others, the American Highway Users Alliance, the American Petroleum Institute, the Edison Electric Institute, the National Association of Manufacturers, and the National Minig Association. Under pressure of activists, British Petroleum and Shell left the coalition in 1999 … They were followed shortly thereafter by Ford, Daimler-Chrysler, Texaco, the Southern Company, and General Motors.”

David Edwards and David Cromwell (2006) – Guardians of Power. The Myth of the Liberal Media – Pluto Press – Media Lens – ISBN-13: 978-0745324821 – 256 Págs. – http://www.gci.org.uk/Documents/Guardians_of_Power.pdf
“Similarly, the US National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), representing much of US industry, was candid enough in its letter to George W. Bush in May 2001: ‘Dear Mr. President: On behalf of 14,000 member companies of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) – and the 18 million people who make things in America – thank you for your opposition to the Kyoto Protocol on the grounds that it exempts 80 percent of the world and will cause serious harm to the United States. (Michael E. Baroody, NAM executive vice-president, Letter to the President Concerning the Kyoto Protocol, May 16, 2001, <www.nam.org>)’. The NAM website added further: ‘The NAM strongly opposes the Kyoto] accord … President Bush also opposes Kyoto and is now pursuing a more reasonable approach to climate change’ (<www. n a m.org>, July 19, 2001). ‘that other great voice of US business, the US Chamber of Commerce, declared in a letter to the US President: ‘Global warming is an important issue that must be addressed – but the Kyoto Protocol is a flawed treaty that is not in the U.S. interest’ (<www.uschamber.org> July 19, 2001). The US Chamber’s website noted that it was the world’s Climate Change -The Ultimate Media Betrayal 157 largest business federation representing more than ‘three million businesses and organisations of every size, sector and region’.” (p. 156)

David Edwards and David Cromwell (2006) – Guardians of Power. The Myth of the Liberal Media – Pluto Press – Media Lens – ISBN-13: 978-0745324821 – 256 Págs. – http://www.gci.org.uk/Documents/Guardians_of_Power.pdf
“Readers will do well to find even whispered references to this extraordinary depth of business opposition to action on climate change in what is, after all, a corporate press. The fact and significance of the NAM’s opposition have never been explored by the Guardian or the Independent, for example, even though NAM members include corporations with operations in the UK, such as Intel, ExxonMobil and General Motors. We need only recall the Cold War era and imagine how the media f.vould react were organisations inside society found to be working to undermine attempts to prevent an ‘evil empire’ slaughtering tens of thousands, or perhaps tens of millions, of people around the world. Instead, because the corporate media are elements of the same system, are indeed owned by members of the US Chamber and the NAM, the reaction is very different. Journalist Ross Gelbspan has noted how news stories about global warming evoke an ‘eerie silence’ (The Heat is On: The Climate Crisis, The Cover-up, The Prescription, Perseus Books, 1998, p. 172). This, indeed, is the mother of all silences, because the fossil fuel economy is the mother of all vested interests.” (p. 157)

David Edwards and David Cromwell (2006) – Guardians of Power. The Myth of the Liberal Media – Pluto Press – Media Lens – ISBN-13: 978-0745324821 – 256 Págs. – http://www.gci.org.uk/Documents/Guardians_of_Power.pdf
“Evidence for Fromm’s theory of social filtering is all around us. Historian Elizabeth Fones-Wolf reports that the growth in American workers’ expectations and power during the 1940s and 1950s was a major factor in shaping elite policy, leading to a fierce business backlash intended to mould US public opinion. The response was immense in scale, involving all the leading business organisations, including the Chamber of Commerce, the Committee for Economic Development, the National Association of Manufacturers, and industry-specific bodies : …” (p. 206)

David Edwards and David Cromwell (2006) – Guardians of Power. The Myth of the Liberal Media – Pluto Press – Media Lens – ISBN-13: 978-0745324821 – 256 Págs. – http://www.gci.org.uk/Documents/Guardians_of_Power.pdf
“In 1950, the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) distributed almost four and a half million pamphlets to students. By 1954, over three and a half million students watched sixty thousand showings of NAM films. That year school superintendents estimated the investment in free corporate material at $50 million, about half the amount public schools spent on standard textbooks annually. Endless articles and books promoted fears of a Soviet conspiracy plotting to weaken Western defences to the point where a surprise attack could be launched.” (p. 207)

David Edwards and David Cromwell (2006) – Guardians of Power. The Myth of the Liberal Media – Pluto Press – Media Lens – ISBN-13: 978-0745324821 – 256 Págs. – http://www.gci.org.uk/Documents/Guardians_of_Power.pdf
“Around this time [NAM’s campaign], US librarians refused to stock Frank L. Baum’s Wizard of Oz series of books because Baum wrote of how, in his imagined society, ‘there were no poor people … because there was no such thing as money, and all property of every sort belonged to the Ruler. The people were her children and she cared for them. Each person was given freely by his neighbours whatever he required for his use, which is as much as anyone may reasonably desire’ (quoted, Gore Vidal, United States, Random House, 1993, p. 1103). Though not exactly Communism, Gore Vidal notes, it was close enough to offend the powers that be: [Ref: Gore Vidal, 1993].” (p. 207)

Sharon Beder (2006) – The changing face of conservation: Commodification, Privatisation and the Free Market – En: David M. Lavingne (ed.) – Gaining Ground: In Pursuit of Ecological Sustainability – International Fund for Animal Welfare – Guelph, Canada & University of Limerick, Ireland, 2006, 83-97 – School of Social Sciences, Media and Communication,University of Wollongong – http://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1041&context=artspapers
“Arnold and Gottlieb formed the Wise Use Movement in 1988 by organising a conference for this purpose. The 250 groups attending the conference included the American Mining Congress, the National Rifle Association, the American Motorcyclists Association and the National Cattlemen’s Association, as well as corporations such as DuPont, Macmillan Bloedel, Louisiana-Pacific, Georgia Pacific and Weyerhauser. The conference was co-sponsored by groups such as the National Association of Manufacturers, the United 4-Wheel Drive Association, the Independent Petroleum Association of America, the National Forest Products Association, the American Sheep Industry, Exxon USA and the American Pulpwood Association. Canadian groups attending included the Council of Forest Industries, MacMillan Bloedel, Carriboo Lumber Manufacturers Association, and the Mining Association of British Colombia.xxx”

Sharon Beder (2005) – Chap. 6: Corporate propaganda and global capitalism – Selling free enterprise? – En: Mark J. Lacy Peter Wilkin (eds.) (2005) – Global politics in the information age – Manchester University Press – School of Social Sciences, Media and Communication,University of Wollongong – http://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/44
“Businesses cooperated in a way that was unprecedented, building coalitions and alliances and putting aside competitive rivalries. Broad coalitions of business people sought to effect “a reorientation of American politics.” In the US the Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) were resurrected and rejuvenated and new organisations such as the Business Roundtable (for large corporations) and the Small Business Legislative Council (for small businesses) were formed to lobby government (Himmelstein 1990: 132; Ricci 1993: 156).”

David Miller and William Dinan (2008) – A Century of Spin. How Public Relations Became the Cutting Edge of Corporate Power – Pluto Books London – Department of Geography and Sociology, University of Strathclyde – ISBN: 978-0-7453-2689-4 – 232 Págs. – https://bit.ly/2ZU3z0F
“The National Association of Manufacturers was created in 1895. In 1903 an internal leadership ‘coup’ transformed NAM from ‘an international trade organization into a virulent anti-union one’ [ref]. Its activities included hiring an employee of the House of Representatives as a spy; making campaign contributions to sympathetic Congressional candidates; creating a front group called Workingmen’s Protective Association …” (p. 32)

David Miller and William Dinan (2008) – A Century of Spin. How Public Relations Became the Cutting Edge of Corporate Power – Pluto Books London – Department of Geography and Sociology, University of Strathclyde – ISBN: 978-0-7453-2689-4 – 232 Págs. – https://bit.ly/2ZU3z0F
“The next task, according to a NAM PR strategy document in 1939, was to ‘link free enterprise in the public consciousness with free speech, free press and free religion as integral parts of democracy.” (p. 57)

Nick Davies (2008) – Flat Earth News – Random House – Guardian News and Media Limited, former editor – ISBN-13: 978-0701181451 – 408 Págs. – http://www.flatearthnews.net
“Professor Stewart Ewen concluded in his book PR! A Social History of Spin that: “A nervous preoccupation with the perils of democracy … has chaperoned the growth of corporate public relations for nearly a century.’ … Ewen follows the long campaign by the corporate umbrella group, the National Association of Manufacturers, from the depression through to the era of communist scares, to use PR to create a consensus for capitalism, or, as they put it, ‘to link free enterprise in the public consciousness with free speech, free press and free religion as integral parts of democracy’.” (p. 180)

Nick Davies (2008) – Flat Earth News – Random House – Guardian News and Media Limited, former editor – ISBN-13: 978-0701181451 – 408 Págs. – http://www.flatearthnews.net
“Professor Stewart Ewen concluded in his book PR! A Social History of Spin that: “A nervous preoccupation with the perils of democracy … has chaperoned the growth of corporate public relations for nearly a century.’ … Ewen follows the long campaign by the corporate umbrella group, the National Association of Manufacturers, from the depression through to the era of communist scares, to use PR to create a consensus for capitalism, or, as they put it, ‘to link free enterprise in the public consciousness with free speech, free press and free religion as integral parts of democracy’.” (p. 180)

Ian McGregor (2008) – Power, Profits and the Planet – Society of Heterodox Economists School of Economics University of New South Wales Sydney – School of Management, University of Technology, Sydney – http://she.web.unsw.edu.au/
“The Global Climate Coalition (GCC) was formed in 1989 under the auspices of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), though it was reorganized as an independent entity in 1992. The GCC represents about 40 companies and industry associations, primarily major users of fossil fuels such as the oil, automobile, and electric utility sectors, but also including other energy intense sectors such as cement, aluminium, iron and steel, chemicals, and paper.”

Jeff Sharlet (2008) – The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power – Harper Collins – ISBN-13: 978-0060559793 – 464 Págs.
“[Back in 1942] … the National Association of Manufacturers staked [Family founder Abraham Vereide] to a meeting of congressmen who would become students of his spiritual politics, among them Virginia senator Absalom Willis Robertson—Pat Robertson’s father. Vereide returned the manufacturers’ favor by telling his new congressional followers that God wanted them to break the spine of organized labor. They did.”

Kim Phillips-Fein (2009) – Business Conservatives and the Mont Pèlerin Society – En: The road from Mont Pélérin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective – Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe (Eds.) – Harvard University Press – 19/06/2009 – Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, New York University – https://bit.ly/2EjddCn
“These business critics of New Deal liberalism supported a wide range of organizations during the 1940s and 1950s. Some of the groups they worked with, like the National Association of Manufacturers, focused on mobilizing businessmen themselves, disseminating antiunion strategies and orchestrating public relations campaigns. Others, like Fred Schwarz’s Christian Anti-Communist Crusade, were populist organizations seeking to educate ordinary citizens about the threat of the far left.4 But one of the most significant areas of activity for business conservatives in the postwar years was in creating and funding conservative think tanks such as the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) and the American Enterprise Association (AEA—the organization eventually changed its name to the American Enterprise Institute). … Such intellectual organizations were, in a sense, the ideal social technology for business conservatives … The partisan think tanks functioned almost like a political party, in terms of developing and refining ideology and relating it to matters of immediate concern. Yet their great strength from the standpoint of the businessmen who funded them was that they were able to operate without any real need for a popular organization.”

Kim Phillips-Fein (2009) – Business Conservatives and the Mont Pèlerin Society – En: The road from Mont Pélérin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective – Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe (Eds.) – Harvard University Press – 19/06/2009 – Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, New York University – https://bit.ly/2EjddCn
“But his real political involvement began only after he retired from DuPont in 1946. Following this dramatic year, which saw not only the advent of the Cold War but the largest strike wave in American history, Crane quickly became active in a variety of organizations, all of which were dedicated to the general proposition that liberalism, even more than Soviet communism, was the gravest danger facing the United States in the postwar period. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Crane served as a trustee for the Foundation for Economic Education. He played a central role in the National Association of Manufacturers, where he chaired a Committee on Cooperation with Churches, which sought to dissuade churches from allying themselves with “movements to win greater social protection and advantage for labor.”9 Along with his friend J. Howard Pew, the president of Sun Oil, Crane took on a leadership position in the National Council of Churches, a lay organization devoted to winning control over the mainline Protestant church back from the liberals and socialists whom they believed” had won control over the Federal Council of Churches.10

Kim Phillips-Fein (2009) – Business Conservatives and the Mont Pèlerin Society – En: The road from Mont Pélérin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective – Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe (Eds.) – Harvard University Press – 19/06/2009 – Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, New York University – https://bit.ly/2EjddCn
“A letter from William Grede—president of Grede Foundries, a past president of NAM and a member of the Board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago (and, subsequently, a member of the John Birch Society)—responding to a solicitation for donations from a NAM “education” campaign summarizes the shift in opinion: ‘I would say that I have recently become convinced that broad public education programs are very expensive, not only in total but in terms of dollars per unit of result. I recognize that there is a terrific amount of left-wing propaganda, but most of it is free because about fifty years back they successfully carried on a revolution in the so-called “intelligentsia”—the opinion molding groups. I have come to the conclusion that more good will be accomplished with the same money by investing it in a counter-revolution in this field. Convincing, for instance, the leaders in the education field, and especially the economics education field, at our universities of the soundness of our position, the education of university professors in the fields” of sociology and economics in the sounder principles and then in the installation of these kinds of people on our faculties.’36 Grede became a contributor to the Mont Pèlerin Society, and it seems likely that Crane’s own ideas regarding strategy moved along these same lines at about the same time.

Kim Phillips-Fein (2009) – Business Conservatives and the Mont Pèlerin Society – En: The road from Mont Pélérin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective – Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe (Eds.) – Harvard University Press – 19/06/2009 – Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, New York University – https://bit.ly/2EjddCn
“Conservative foundations such as the Lilly Endowment and the Relm Foundation continued in the 1960s to donate money to subsidize the travel costs associated with Mont Pèlerin Society meetings to places as far-flung as Japan and even Venezuela.62 At the 1964 meeting, Milton Friedman and Hayek circulated a prospectus for a book series on “Principles of Freedom,” in which prominent free market intellectuals would write short popular volumes for an audience of undergraduates and lay readers; they had already attracted numerous corporate sponsors for the series, including GE, DuPont, Shell Oil, and U.S. Steel.63 Free market economists—including Society members—spoke at meetings of the National Association of Manufacturers, the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, and the Crotonville School of General Electric. Their books were owned by leading conservatives in the business world, like Lemuel Boulware, who pioneered antiunion strategies at GE during the 1950s.64 In short, the men of the Mont Pèlerin Society not only drew financial support from businessmen” and invited them to their conferences; they were well-known within conservative circles in the corporate world.

Kim Phillips-Fein (2009) – Business Conservatives and the Mont Pèlerin Society – En: The road from Mont Pélérin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective – Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe (Eds.) – Harvard University Press – 19/06/2009 – Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, New York University – https://bit.ly/2EjddCn
“The conservative businessmen who bankrolled many of the initial think tanks—Lewis Brown of Johns-Mansville, a major roofing and insulation corporation, who founded the American Enterprise Association, and B. E. Hutchinson, a Chrysler executive and NAM regular who gave generously to organizations like FEE—were not interested in the Mont Pèlerin Society. Many conservatives in the business community shared Crane’s chariness about giving money to European intellectuals to do nothing in particular except meet and talk to one another. The Rockefeller Foundation declined to make money available to the Society, on the grounds that it would create a precedent for funding requests from “Communist and dirigiste” organizations.27 In addition to the broader questions of strategy and politics, American businessmen may have been anxious about donating to the Society in part because of a 1950 congressional investigation of the American Enterprise Association. The investigation pointed out that the group seemed to violate federal lobbying laws because it was funded almost entirely by corporations, and newspaper reports lambasted” the organization as a “big business” group.28 … In 1956, Crane’s attitude toward the Society shifted. In November 1956, directly following the reelection of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Crane wrote to Hayek to press him on organizing an American meeting of the MPS, saying he thought it a “very important move.” Through such a meeting, “the American public, and particularly the thinking people, would learn . . . of the widespread advocacy of the liberal philosophy and its strong intellectual foundations.”33

Kim Phillips-Fein (2009) – Business Conservatives and the Mont Pèlerin Society – En: The road from Mont Pélérin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective – Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe (Eds.) – Harvard University Press – 19/06/2009 – Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, New York University – https://bit.ly/2EjddCn
“A letter from William Grede—president of Grede Foundries, a past president of NAM and a member of the Board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago (and, subsequently, a member of the John Birch Society)—responding to a solicitation for donations from a NAM “education” campaign summarizes the shift in opinion: ‘I would say that I have recently become convinced that broad public education programs are very expensive, not only in total but in terms of dollars per unit of result. I recognize that there is a terrific amount of left-wing propaganda, but most of it is free because about fifty years back they successfully carried on a revolution in the so-called “intelligentsia”—the opinion molding groups. I have come to the conclusion that more good will be accomplished with the same money by investing it in a counter-revolution in this field. Convincing, for instance, the leaders in the education field, and especially the economics education field, at our universities of the” soundness of our position, the education of university professors in the fields of sociology and economics in the sounder principles and then in the installation of these kinds of people on our faculties.’36 Grede became a contributor to the Mont Pèlerin Society, and it seems likely that Crane’s own ideas regarding strategy moved along these same lines at about the same time.

Yves Steiner (2009) – The Neoliberals Confront the Trade Unions – En: The Road from Mont Pèlerin, edited by Mirowski Philip and Plehwe Dieter, 1-42. Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press, 2009 – Ph.D. candidate in economics, University of Lausanne
“Because of the way the lines were being drawn, it is not surprising that those who financially supported the antiunion economic discourses and those who operated through anticommunist organizations or free market institutions, like the FEE, turned out to be one and the same. It was the case for J. Howard Pew (Sun Oil Company) and Jasper E. Crane (DuPont), two major funders behind MPS activities. In the 1930s, both men initiated the earliest campaigns against the New Deal via the National Association of Manufacturers. Fiercely anticommunist, Pew and Crane invested in FEE and its campaigns in favor of free enterprise ideology (see Chapter 8 by Phillips-Fein in this volume). In 1947, Crane became a MPS member; Pew did as well in 1954. Both had been major donors to the MPS since 1958.”

Ian Talley – Lobby Groups to Use Town Hall Tactics to Oppose Climate Bill – Washington Wire The Wall Street Journal – 11/08/2009 – http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2009/08/11/lobby-groups-to-use-town-hall-tactics-to-oppose-climate-bill/  “The American Petroleum Institute, along with other organizations such as the National Association of Manufacturers opposed to the climate legislation Congress will consider again in the fall, is funding rallies across 20 states over the August recess.”

Kate Galbraith – Utility Quits Alliance over Climate Change – The New York Times, 22/09/2009 – http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/23/business/energy-environment/23utility.html
“Duke Energy, a large Southern utility that supports action against global warming, pulled out of the National Association of Manufacturers in December; climate was a partial factor, according to Thomas Williams, a spokesman. In August, Duke left the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity, also citing climate policy. “It was clear that many influential members would never support climate legislation in 2009 or 2010 no matter how it was written,” Mr. Williams said in an e-mail message. Alcoa, the aluminum company, also pulled out of the coal coalition this summer, with climate policy being one factor, according to a spokesman. Mr. Williams added, however, that Duke had no plans to leave the national chamber, saying that it dealt with many issues.”

Kim Phillips-Fein (2010) – Invisible Hands: The Businessmen’s Crusade Against the New Deal – W. W. Norton & Company – Department of History, New York University – ISBN-13: 978-0393337662 – 360 Págs.
“The main topic of discussion was creating a “property holders’ association,” as Irénée put it, to disseminate “information as to the dangers to investors posed by the New Deal. The group decided that the name of their association should not refer directly to property—it would be better to frame their activities as a broad defense of the Constitution. The organization should be “liberal,” never “reactionary or rigid,” let alone paternalistic, wrote Stephen DuBrul, one General Motors executive. It should speak out for the rule of law, not the rights of the rich. Its officers should be “drawn from nationally known persons whose public position is above reproach,” not from the “leaders of industry and finance,” and it should try to obtain as broad support as possible. Irénée hoped that it would be able to make an alliance with other organizations that in his view defended the Constitution, such as the American Legion and “even the Ku Klux Klan.” Each participant in the early meetings took a list of names of executives to call to discuss the idea, and in August the group incorporated itself as the American Liberty League [ref].” (p. 18)

James Lawrence Powell (2011) – The Inquisition of Climate Science – Columbia University Press – National Science Board – ISBN-13: 978-0231157186 – 240 Págs.
“Created in 1989 as it was becoming clear that the IPCC would be a major factor in the debate over global warming, the Global Climate Coalition operated from the offices of the National Association of Manufacturers.” (p. 94)

Benjamin Waterhouse (2012) – Mobilization against Liberal Reform – En: What’s Good for Business: Business and American Politics since World War II, Kim Phillips-Fein and Julian E. Zelizer (Eds.) (2012), Oxford University Press, ISBN-13: 978-0199754007
“Founded in 1895, NAM had a historic commitment to fighting labor power, but by the early 1970s it broadened its scope to lobby on regulatory, tax, and foreign trade policy. In 1973, NAM relocated its headquarters from New York to Washington, as its president explained, to keep “in touch with the rapidly changing scene on the Hill.” 13 To improve its lobbying, NAM launched a Public Affairs Committee to centrally coordinate seven field branches, informing members about upcoming votes and organizing phone and mail barrages to Congress. Th e U.S. Chamber of Commerce, created at the request of President Taft in 1912 to provide the unifi ed voice of the entire business community to policy makers, was larger than the NAM and historically took on a broader set of issues. It leaders likewise expanded the group’s reach in the early 1970s, overhauling its organizational structure and creating a series of affi liated organizations to encourage business people to participate in politics at the local level. 15 Th e mobilization of groups like the Business Roundtable, NAM, and the” Chamber emerged when growing economic fears joined with acute cultural anxieties and a sense of legislative impotence.

Darren Dochuk (2012) – Moving Mountains: The Business of Evangelicalism and Extraction in a Liberal Age – En: Kim Phillips-Fein and Julian E. Zelizer (2012), What’s Good for Business: Business and American Politics since World War II, Oxford University Press, ISBN-13: 978-0199754007
“Behind the scenes, meanwhile, businessmen dictated the NAE’s organizational priorities of rigorous fundraising, marketing, and pocketbook politicking, and ensured that it sought out recruits in the corporate world. They located them in organizations like the NAM. Besides employing an official liaison to the NAM, the NAE also courted elite executives who bridged these worlds, men like J. Howard Pew, head of Sun Oil. 22 As an elite executive, Pew feared Roosevelt’s encroachment on corporate freedom; as a conservative Presbyterian with evangelical sensibilities, he feared liberal, ecumenical Protestantism’s encroachment on congregational sovereignty and the traditional gospel. Both concerns made him a patron of the NAE. NAE officials thanked him by including him in their “inner circle”—the “Secret Service” Decker envisioned [ref: J. Howard Pew to Howard Kershner, 8 March 1950, Christian Freedom Foundation: Founding Documents Folder, Box 180, J. Howard Pew Papers (JHP), Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, Del. J. Elwin Wright’s designation of Pew as “inner circle”: J. Elwin Wright to J. Howard Pew, 4 February 1958, National Association of Evangelicals Folder, Box 61, JHP.] World War II provided evangelical businessmen, enlivened by the NAE’s founding, yet further opportunity to advance their vision. Sensing the birth of a new political order at home and abroad, they dreamed of breaking through as the vanguard of an empowered Christian Americanism. NAE actions in Washington, D.C., and burgeoning defense communities around the country spoke to this confidence. Under the leadership of Wright and Taylor, the latter of whom assumed a Pentagon post on the Price Adjustment Board, the NAE first adopted an aggressive posture on media matters.”

Darren Dochuk (2012) – Moving Mountains: The Business of Evangelicalism and Extraction in a Liberal Age – En: Kim Phillips-Fein and Julian E. Zelizer (2012), What’s Good for Business: Business and American Politics since World War II, Oxford University Press, ISBN-13: 978-0199754007
“Locking arms with other conservatives in the National Association of Manufacturing (NAM), he saw private vocational training as the necessary counterweight to a system of higher education he believed had grown increasingly more liberal and secular under Roosevelt’s watch. 16 With ever-increasing determination, he used his industrial training program to mold workers in a bootstrap ethic of self-help, an ethic he saw threatened by New Deal labor’s collectivist dreams. Political victory, in his estimation, depended on Christian capitalism’s ability to convince the mind—not just capture the heart—of America’s rank-and-file. ”

Darren Dochuk (2012) – Moving Mountains: The Business of Evangelicalism and Extraction in a Liberal Age – En: Kim Phillips-Fein and Julian E. Zelizer (2012), What’s Good for Business: Business and American Politics since World War II, Oxford University Press, ISBN-13: 978-0199754007
“World War II provided evangelical businessmen, enlivened by the NAE’s founding, yet further opportunity to advance their vision. Sensing the birth of a new political order at home and abroad, they dreamed of breaking through as the vanguard of an empowered Christian Americanism. NAE actions in Washington, D.C., and burgeoning defense communities around the country spoke to this confidence. Under the leadership of Wright and Taylor, the latter of whom assumed a Pentagon post on the Price Adjustment Board, the NAE first adopted an aggressive posture on media matters. 24 Irate that the FCC enjoyed offi cial sanction over the nation’s radio airwaves, Wright and Taylor helped form the National Religious Broadcasters (NRB), which would henceforth lobby successfully for evangelical airtime. 25 While the NRB allowed the new evangelical message to penetrate communities across the country, in many of these same towns a second NAE venture had equally significant impact … R. G. LeTourneau led these crusades.”

Katie Valentine – Irony Alert: American Petroleum Institute Calls For Obama To Aid ‘Economic Catastrophe’ Due To Warming-Fueled Drought – Climate Progress, 30/11/2012 – http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2012/11/30/1263301/irony-alert-american-petroleum-institute-calls-for-obama-to-aid-economic-catastrophy-due-to-warming-fueled-drought/
«These conditions have caused many members of congress and the business community to call on President Barack Obama to help Mississippi River shipping businesses get back to normal. They want the president to allow the Army Corps of Engineers to dynamite the rocky riverbed near two southern Illinois towns – Thebes and Grand Tower – to deepen the shipping channel, allowing ships to pass through on less water. They also want the Corps to stop reducing water flow from a Missouri River reservoir, which the Corps does each year to conserve water for the spring. Members of congress have sent a letter to the Army Corps of Engineers and spoken out about the issue, and on Tuesday, the American Petroleum Institute, National Association of Manufacturers, U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other trade groups and organizations sent a letter to President Obama, urging him to declare emergency in the region and calling for “immediate assistance in averting an economic catastrophe in the heartland.”.”

George Monbiot – Smart Phones, Dumb Companies – The Guardian, 11/03/2013 – http://www.monbiot.com/2013/03/11/smart-phones-dumb-companies/
“Other companies, hiding behind their trade associations, have done all they can to undermine these efforts. Two months ago a new provision of the US Dodd Frank Act, which obliges companies to discover whether the minerals they buy from Congo are funding armed groups, came into force. It should have happened before, but it was delayed for 16 months by corporate lobbyists. Thanks to their efforts, and after 17 years of ignoring the issue, companies will still be allowed to dodge their duty for another two years, by stating that they don’t know where the minerals come from. Even this was not enough for them. Three corporate lobby groups – the National Association of Manufacturers, the US Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable – are now sueing the US government to have the new law set aside(13). Global Witness has called on some of their members – including Caterpillar, Dell, Honeywell, Motorola, Siemens, Toyota, Whirlpool and Xerox – to publicly distance themselves from the lawsuit, without success.”

Mark S. Mizruchi (2013) – The Fracturing of the American Corporate Elite – Harvard University Press – Robert Cooley Angell Collegiate Professor of Sociology + Barger Family Professor of Organizational Studies + Professor of Management and Organizations – ISBN-13: 978-0674072992 – 384 Págs.
“Meanwhile, the NAM, which, like the Chamber, had originally been predisposed to support reform, switched its position in February 1994 as well. A group of NAM staff members noted that they had gone into the group’s February board meeting having “good things to say about the Clinton bill” but then watched the board do a “180- degree turn,” an apparent result of a letter opposing the bill circulated prior to the meeting by board members representing health care providers and fast-food managers (Martin 2000, 176). From this point on the Clinton plan, although still debated in Congress, was effectively dead.26 ”

Mark S. Mizruchi (2013) – The Fracturing of the American Corporate Elite – Harvard University Press – Robert Cooley Angell Collegiate Professor of Sociology + Barger Family Professor of Organizational Studies + Professor of Management and Organizations – ISBN-13: 978-0674072992 – 384 Págs.
“As we have seen in earlier chapters, it is questionable whether the Chamber of Commerce or the NAM ever demonstrated an ability to unite the American business community around its long- term interests. The Business Roundtable, on the other hand, was at least able to do this in its earlier years. This group may not have had the balanced, above- the- fray character that degree of responsibility through the 1980s, especially on taxation. The Roundtable failed to rise to the occasion on health care, however. Instead, the group was hijacked by an aggressive minority that profited greatly from the health care crisis and was unwilling to compromise. ”

Richard Heinberg – The Brief, Tragic Reign of Consumerism—and the birth of a happy alternative – Post Carbon Institute, 14/04/2015 – http://www.postcarbon.org/the-brief-tragic-reign-of-consumerism-and-the-birth-of-a-happy-alternative/
“Industrialists found a solution. How they did so is detailed a book that deserves renewed attention, Captains of Consciousness by social historian Stuart Ewen (1976). Ewen traced the rapid, massive expansion of the advertising industry during the 20th century, as well as its extraordinary social and political impacts (if you really want to understand Mad Men, start here). Ewen argued that “Consumerism, the mass participation in the values of the mass-industrial market . . . emerged in the 1920s not as a smooth progression from earlier and less ‘developed’ patterns of consumption, but rather as an aggressive device of corporate survival.” In a later book, PR! (1996), Ewen recounts how, during the 1930s, the US-based National Association of Manufacturers enlisted a team of advertisers, marketers, and psychologists to formulate a strategy to counter government efforts to plan and manage the economy in the wake of the Depression. They proposed a massive, ongoing ad campaign to equate consumerism with “The American Way.” Progress would henceforth be framed entirely in economic terms, as the fruit of manufacturers’ ingenuity. Americans were to be referred to in public discourse (newspapers, magazines, radio) as consumers, and were to be reminded at every opportunity of their duty to contribute to the economy by purchasing factory-made products, as directed by increasingly sophisticated and ubiquitous advertising cues.”

– The Annapolis Center – Exxon Secrets, 14/03/2017 – http://www.exxonsecrets.org/html/orgfactsheet.php?id=13
“In its own words, «The Annapolis Center is a national, non-profit educational organization that supports and promotes responsible energy, environmental, health and safety policy-making through the use of sound science. Founded by scientists, former policy-makers, and economists, The Center is committed to ensuring that public policy decisions are based on scientific facts and reasoning.» … Actively argues against the idea that global warming is the result of burning fossil fuels … The Annapolis Center is funded primarily by the National Association of Manufacturers. The Center’s founder and COO, Richard Seibert, was a former National Association of Manufacturers vice president.”

Philip Morris – Tobacco Strategy – Tobacco Documents Bates 2022887066 – 28/03/2017 – http://goo.gl/qMMbFr
“National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) Similar to the BRT, but even more strongly, NAM (with our support) came out in opposition to the Clinton health care plan. Simultaneously, we have been working with the NAM Taxation Committee to ensure that regardless of what plan eventually materializes, no selective excise taxes of any kind will be used to fund it. We continue to work closely with the key NAM committees and its National Public Affairs Steering Committee (NPASC) to keep up the pressure on these key points.”

Daniel Raventós – El darwinismo social recurrente o la propuesta de esterilizar a las personas desempleadas – Sin Permiso, 21/01/2018 – http://www.sinpermiso.info/textos/el-darwinismo-social-recurrente-o-la-propuesta-de-esterilizar-a-las-personas-desempleadas
“Situémonos en los años 30 del siglo pasado. Se discutía por entonces en EEUU la conveniencia del subsidio de desempleo. Se acabó implantando en el año 1935, bajo la presidencia de Franklin D. Roosevelt, este subsidio. Hubo grandes debates, antes y después de promulgada la ley, entre políticos, economistas, intelectuales, periodistas y población en general. No ha pasado ni un siglo entero, pero se emitían declaraciones del siguiente tono sobre lo que supondría este subsidio: “La dominación definitiva del socialismo sobre la vida y la industria” (Asociación Nacional de Fabricantes); “Destruirá la iniciativa, desalentando el ahorro y ahogando la responsabilidad individual” (James L. Donnelly, de la Asociación de Fabricantes de Illinois); “En un momento u otro, traerá consigo, ineluctablemente, el final del capitalismo privado” (Charles Denby, Jr., de la Asociación Americana de Abogados). Pero lo interesante viene ahora. Se trata de Thomas Nixon Carver, uno de mis favoritos carcamales históricos. ”